di Giorgio Bongiovanni e Lorenzo Baldo - 14 novembre 2010
Roma. Le parole dell'ex ministro di Grazia e Giustizia, Giovanni Conso, hanno fatto saltare sulle sedie alcuni dei componenti della Commissione parlamentare antimafia. E' stato lui stesso a dichiarare un paio di giorni fa che il 4 novembre 1993 aveva deciso di non rinnovare il 41 bis per 140 mafiosi detenuti per fermare le stragi di Cosa Nostra dopo gli attentati di Roma, Firenze e Milano.
Di fronte alle strong concerns of some MPs in the former Keeper of charge from February to April '93 in del'94 Amato and Ciampi governments are not broken. "There was no negotiations - said Conso - nor the decision was the result of a more or less direct blackmail. I did not have any pressure or solicitation by anyone, it is a choice that I alone thinking that a different solution would have given the right to a possible threat of further massacres. That extension, moreover, was not necessary. " In the classroom of the former palace of the Inquisition is clear to many of these statements are an admission that those indirect "negotiations." To application of the MP Fli, Angela Napoli, if the decision not to renew the 41 bis had spoken with someone, the former minister reiterated not talking to anyone, without excluding that it had informed the former Director of Criminal Affairs Ministry Liliana Ferraro, defined as "an important collaboration." The first act of what, if it were not for all the deaths that resulted, might be called a "comedy", it was then consumed in front of a country increasingly drugged. But it is the second part of this neo-realist drama that reinforces the notion of a real "understanding" between state and mafia. Saturday, November 13th edition of the Republic of journalists Salvo Palazzolo and Attilio Bolzoni have published excerpts from a document of 75 pages of the Prison Administration Department signed by the director Nicholas Amato, entitled "Organization and labor relations." This memo number 115 077 of 6 March 1993 addressed to the chief of staff of the Justice Minister Giovanni Conso. On page 59 Nicholas Amato faces the most serious issue, "Revision of ministerial decrees issued since July '92, on the basis of Article 41 bis". On that note there is an indication as to Justice: "It is just and convenient hours to give up the use of these decrees." There are two recommended routes: "Let them in force until the expiry without renewal, or revocation immediately block. Allow me to express a preference for the second solution. " The director of the Dap explains why: "The enactment of the 41 bis was justified by the need to give an answer to the mafia crime. But there is no doubt that the law constitutes the use of these decrees as a means exceptional and temporary ". Amato's words clearly suggest that not only is an initiative of the Dap. "When the National Committee for order and security - the document reads - at its meeting on February 12, have been expressed, particularly by the chief of police, riserve sulla eccessiva durezza di siffatto regime penitenziario. Ed anche recentemente da parte del ministero dell'Interno sono venute pressanti insistenze per la revoca dei decreti applicati agli istituti di Poggioreale e di Secondigliano”. In quel periodo Vincenzo Parisi era al vertice della polizia, mentre il Viminale era retto da Nicola Mancino. Il primo è morto nel '94, il secondo si ostina a negare l'impossibile: dall'incontro con Paolo Borsellino il 1° luglio 1992 fino alla sua diretta conoscenza della “trattativa”. Ma giorno dopo giorno la sua ostentata tranquillità perde sempre di più credibilità. Perché questi due uomini delle istituzioni avevano delle “riserve” sulle proroghe del 41 bis? A quali partners had to report the decisions to be taken? And on the altar of that "agreement"? With the recent statements by Giovanni Conso the list of those who years later regained the memory is stretched further. But it soon becomes clear that some of the names called in question are not new. Quite the contrary. If you keep says can not rule out that it had informed her of those Directives Liliana Ferraro, defined as "an important contributor," it is not a negligible detail. The same Ferraro hearing on Sept. 28 at the trial of Mario and Mauro Mori Obinu (for the failure to capture Provenzano in '95) has admitted that it was heard in 2002 by Gabriele Chelazzi on the subject of 41 bis. Nel verbale riassuntivo del 10 maggio 2002 il magistrato fiorentino illustra all'ex direttore degli Affari Penali che secondo “alcune concrete e recenti indicazioni” i vertici di Cosa Nostra nel periodo che orientativamente coincide con l'inizio delle stragi del '93 (maggio 1993) “nutrivano ottimisticamente l'aspettativa che il 41 bis gradualmente, perdesse di attualità fino a diventare uno strumento inutile nelle mani dello Stato, con la conseguente soppressione”. “Per quanto riguardava le dinamiche decisionali all'interno del Ministero in tema di 41 bis – si legge nel documento – dal momento che il Ministro aveva riservato a sé l'adozione dei provvedimenti, il Dipartimento dell'amministrazione penitenziaria interloquiva direttamente con il Ministro stesso”. Chelazzi si sofferma sul contenuto di una nota a firma del Vicedirettore dell'Ufficio detenuti reparto M.S. del 29 luglio del 1993 e sottopone alla dott.ssa Ferraro quelli che a suo parere sono i punti che “almeno programmaticamente richiedono ulteriore approfondimento”. Quell'annotazione a suo tempo non era stata indirizzata a tutte le strutture di vertice delle Forze di Polizia, Carabinieri e Guardia di Finanza erano stati esclusi. Nel verbale viene evidenziato il fatto che la nota “attesti non controvertibilmente che il Dap cercava un'interlocuzione esterna in vista delle proroghe dei decreti che scadevano alla fine del mese successivo, diversamente dalle scadenze, di pochi giorni first, however, on 20-21 July. " The document also stressed that the Department "shall ripromettesse to propose the extension of all prisoners not burdened by a 41 but asked to be familiar with the general assessment (even with a clear, albeit implicit, in the opinion of the prosecutor, referring to the facts of massacre a few hours before) and also an objective source, but downstream of the identification of some individuals who would have been excluded from the proposed extension. " The overall vision is just scary. In what discussions at that time was playing the game of 41 a? And at what cost? Chelazzi want to see things clearly and submit to the Ferraro another note this time of the July 29, 1993. The Florentine pm formula una serie di osservazioni a partire dalla circostanza che “essa attesta l'esistenza di un '41 bis a due velocità'”. Liliana Ferraro replica affermando di non ricordare “che ci fosse un 41 bis attenuato parallelo al 41 bis di rigore”, sottolineando che l'ex Vice direttore Generale del Dap, Francesco Di Maggio, “nutriva convinzioni personali molto nette e molto determinate sul problema del 41bis, all'insegna della necessità di far funzionare l'istituto in modo serio e senza smagliature”. Cinque mesi dopo è Claudio Martelli a sedersi di fronte al magistrato di Firenze impegnato su un filone di indagini sui mandanti esterni delle stragi del '93. Gabriele Chelazzi rappresenta a Martelli che le attività investigative “volte a chiarire tutte le articolazioni della strategia” (stragista, ndr) e finalizzate ad individuare le eventuali ulteriori responsabilità penali “hanno consentito di mettere a fuoco una sorta di interdipendenza tra la strategia di Cosa Nostra e le deliberazioni che nel corso del tempo hanno alimentato la strategia medesima (da una parte) e l'orientamento che ha alimentato la gestione e l'applicazione del 2°comma dell'art. 41 bis da parte delle istituzioni dello Stato e in particolare da parte del Ministro di Grazia e Giustizia”. Martelli non batte ciglio e ricostruisce la genesi dell'emanazione dei primi provvedimenti dell'applicazione del carcere duro successivi alla strage di via d'Amelio, passando attraverso socio-political scenario of the period. The minutes are addressed in succession a series of topics on which the former minister gives his interpretation. One of the key points about the culture of "guaranteed" by the then director of the Dap, Nicolo Amato (who would later become the defender of the likes of Mafia boss Giuseppe Madonia Piddu and even the former mayor of Palermo Vito Ciancimino, ed), in against the prison term and also on "the need to prevent excessive tension in the prisons." Martelli mean that Amato's ever explained the project to "demobilize" the prison term, denied that the then Chief of Police or the Minister the Interior have been able to demonstrate "criticism or reservations about the extent of imprisonment." During interrogation Gabriele Chelazzi Hammer points out how the investigation has revealed that "the 'summit of the massacres' office interface, in the person of a politician with a parliamentary mandate, to monitor, unless they also affect the' administration '41 bis. " The document reads that "the prosecutor omitted the name of the person concerned." For its part, the former minister rules out finally, "that things can combine to something which he is aware." But at a distance of 8 years from those interrogations "understanding" between the state and the mafia regime 41 bis comeback into the limelight with the document of the Dap March 6, 1993. To confirm that note journalists Fact Daily, Joseph White and Sandra Rizza, published in today's newspaper an extract of the minutes of questioning made by Giovanni Conso Gabriele Chelazzi September 24, 2002. The story starts from the former Keeper of March '93 when "The issue of renewing the decrees art. 41 bis was certainly premature at this time and then I intend to make the subject of further, more updated, meditations. And I, in my opinion, definitely good, because subsequent events, notably the massacre of Florence, convinced me in the strongest terms the need wished to maintain the 41 bis and renew the decrees. " Next to direct the Dap was called Adalberto Capriotti that in the note of June 26 had stressed the need to renew 41a. "That appointment could not disregard the massacres of May (via Georgofili, ed) - Conso specified - and - another aspect of great significance for me - especially on the anniversary of the attack from the atmosphere lived in Falcone and as we approach the anniversary of the attack on Borsellino, events still so bitter that they can not justify different solutions from what was delineating the various ministry offices, starting from the one I Direct. So as to be almost taken for granted now that the solution would be the extension ". To Giovanni Conso then held firmly against the boss was the way forward: "I repeat in conclusion that my determination to renew, in principle, the decrees issued by my predecessor has always been clear and unwavering - added to the interrogation Conso Chelazzi - from the moment I started to devote a specific and responsible for the problem, then we approach the end of the decrees. " But inexplicably at the end of October '93 the former Keeper of reversing his own decision not renewing extensions 140 of hard labor, he said: to "stop the massacres. " Ambiguous inconsistencies and mysteries that the prosecutor in Palermo is planning to clarify once and for all listening as soon as Giovanni Conso, Nicolo Amato and Nicola Mancino affected ..
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